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    12 June

    數字的追求不是台灣外交的出路

     

    第三社會成員 林致真
    2007/06/09載於蘋果日報

    哥斯大黎加與我斷交後,台灣再度失去了一個重要的盟邦。毫無意外地,媒體關注的焦點落在我國所剩的邦交國數目與未來斷交的可能性,而外交部門也將哥國斷交視為一大挫敗,部長甚至因此遞出辭呈以示負責。
    回顧台灣這幾年來的外交工作,似乎將三個領域的工作放在最高順位,一個是邦交國的數目,一個是元首的過境外交,另一就是國際組織的加入,而我們也將絕大部分的外交資源花費在這些工作上面。


    外交思維應有所改變

    這些工作有成功有失敗,但是外交事件如諾魯的斷交與建交、陳總統過境美國與否、過境待遇如何、台灣第幾次被聯合國拒絕加入等,到底對台灣的外交與國家利益有何影響,似乎也沒有人能夠回答,也因此台灣社會對於外交工作的成功與否反應越來越冷淡。
    台灣有迫切的期待能夠在國際舞台擁有「正常國家」的身分,但是這個期待卻讓我們的外交工作出現了盲點,那就是將大部分資源放在與國際上所謂「正常國家」的機關打交道,或參與「正常國家」的機關俱樂部,卻往往輕忽了許多非「國家」機關所組成的國際領域,導致我們或許會花數千萬美金與北京展開叫價戰去爭取一個在國際上毫無影響力的小國,卻僅肯花費些許的精力與國際性的非政府組織(NGO,Non-Government Organization) 往來。而我們給與「國家」機關的資源往往落入少數人的口袋,而無法幫助到弱勢的民眾。
    台灣的國際地位特殊,我們的國際空間並不是由一般傳統外交儀式所拓展出來的,也因此我們的外交思維應不同於一般國家的外交。台灣的國際聲望與國人在外的實際利益才應被視為重點,而不是一味的追求儀式性的數字跟形式。


     
    資源轉到非政府團體

    因此,與其去爭取或維持小國邦交,不如將更多資源用在無償的國際協助,如農耕技術輸出或是擴大已有的人道醫療救濟計劃;與其花大錢製作形象廣告,不如實質的改變形象,如廢止地雷使用且與非政府組織(NGO)合作地雷廢止運動;與其持續毫無成效的聯合國加入行動,不如將資源投入該負起的國際責任(就算沒有被要求),例如遵守京都協議的規定(放行大煉鋼廠與台塑石化的興建自然不可能讓台灣合格);與其花費大量精力執行元首過境,不如為國人爭取更多實質利益,如免簽證待遇及對旅外國人更完善的援助。
    因為我們的特殊情況,台灣不被國際社會以正常國家的身分接受,常常讓我們覺得沒有國格及尊嚴,但是如果我們能夠盡到國際社會成員應盡的責任,將資源從「國家」機關轉移到國際非政府團體,更直接的幫助國際人民,讓台灣成為一個比「正常」國際成員更盡責的「超正常」成員,國際間對台灣的尊重將會自然產生,台灣的國際生存空間也才會更加廣闊。

    Arise! Society III

    By Lin Chih-Chen 林致真  TAIPEI TIMES

    Sunday, Jun 03, 2007, Page 8

    The most common reaction to the term "third society" is one of confusion. "Does Taiwan even have a first, let alone a second society?" is a question that many would ask.
    The answer to this question is a definite yes, and the chaotic political struggle we see every day is living proof.

    Taiwan's first society is the one that existed prior to 1945; the indigenous society, if you will. This society experienced the colonial rule of Japan and was even at war with China and its allies during World War II.
    Taiwan's second society consists of people from all over China who came and settled in Taiwan between 1945 and 1949. Members of the second society came from very diverse backgrounds, but Taiwan's foreignness at the time forced them together.

    The next four to five decades saw a small minority of the second society dominating Taiwan's political and cultural spheres.
    The first society was mostly suppressed in those two spheres but was quite successful in contributing to Taiwan's economic miracle.
    However, with Taiwan's democratization, the first society was able to obtain political representation in the form of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), whilst the second society was continuously represented by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) or other pan-blue groups.
    With the DPP's victory in 2000, the political representatives of the first society took the reins of power for the first time.
    However, even after seven years of DPP rule, the political power of the second society still refuses to recognize its political leadership.
    At the same time, the political power of the first society sought extremism as a way of self preservation.
    Thus Taiwan over the last few years degenerated into what former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) termed a "democratic civil war." Even today the two main political powers are still engaged in a fierce struggle with each other and it is severely damaging the country's democratic vitality.

    What then is Taiwan's third society? To put it simply, the Third Society is all those of us who are sick and tired of the struggle between the first and second society.
    To us, the two societies have many interests in common -- much more than they are aware of, in fact.
    For example, many politicians from the first society highlight the bitter past experienced by many members of the public under the KMT's authoritarian rule.
    However, these people often overlook the fact that the majority of the second society's members suffered even worse fates.

    Members of the second society still feel a strong sense of insecurity because of their minority status. They fail, however, to see the first society's fear of a minority-rule resurgence.
    To members of the Third Society, the ongoing struggle neglects the common interests of all Taiwanese and instead exaggerates the minor differences between the two old societies.
    The struggle also exploits external antagonisms for internal electoral competitions, which in turn shows the outside world how polarized the nation has become. At the same time, the struggle between the two political blocs of the two old societies utterly fails to give Taiwanese any meaningful policy choices.

    Instead, the two blocs present the same irresponsible fiscal and social policies made up by corruption and tax cuts that have trapped the country in an abyss of monstrous national debt.
    People who are fed up with this nonsensical struggle must step forward and create the new third society. The political manifestation of this new society will promote external unity while providing a meaningful choice of social policies internally.

    The members of the new society want no part in the ongoing cruel political struggle, but instead wish to be the "peacekeepers" between the two old societies.
    Some might then ask, What is the position of the new society on national identity? To us, the answer cannot be clearer. The community, comprised of the 23 million people in Taiwan and its outlying islands, is an independent and sovereign nation, with the Republic of China' as its constitutional name.
    The future of this independent and sovereign nation can only be decided by those 23 million inhabitants.

    We believe that the above statement is the consensus for the vast majority of Taiwanese and the foundation on which national unity can be built. We also believe that the independent status of Taiwan fits the current interests of the people on this island.
    Therefore we will defend Taiwan's status as an independent nation.

    Taiwan is an inspiration to the rest of the world because of its democratic success. However, the ongoing "democratic civil war" is alienating more and more people.
    We fear that in a not too distant future, the nation's once proud democratic achievements will wither as people's apathy to politics increases.
    We therefore call for the formation of Taiwan's third society, a society that is founded on reasoning, not gimmicks or slogans; a society that has meaningful debate on social policies and not pointless arguments over dead people; a society that unites in a common hope for the betterment of this nation.
    This shall be Taiwan's third society.
    Lin Chih-chen is a member of Taiwan's emerging third society.